By Gerd Nonneman
Within the post-9/11 weather, the function of center jap and North African (MENA) states in Europe’s nearby safety atmosphere and overseas politics has turn into greater than ever a spotlight for consciousness, yet is still ill-understood. This e-book presents a framework for the research of heart japanese international rules usually, and for figuring out those states’ kinfolk with Europe particularly. The ebook fills a niche within the literature on Euro-Middle japanese relatives via adopting a south-to-north point of view, utilizing the instruments of overseas coverage research to envision the determinants of the overseas rules of the MENA states themselves: in basic terms therefore can one desire to reach at a real knowing of what underlies those states’ evolving coverage orientations and behavior in the direction of Europe. the quantity begins by means of laying out a conceptual framework for research, and interpreting the family, local, and overseas environments that MENA overseas rules. real coverage output is then systematically investigated via quite a lot of state case reports starting from the Maghreb and the Mashreq to the Gulf and Turkey. Europe is taken care of all through either as a objective of these international guidelines, and as a part of the surroundings that shapes them. the results of a two-year venture backed by way of the ecu college Institute’s Mediterranean Programme, the ebook is helping bridge the divide among heart East services and the self-discipline of diplomacy. The systematic comparative research of MENA states’ international coverage with specified connection with Europe throws new mild on questions on ‘Third international’ overseas coverage.
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Additional info for Analysing Middle Eastern Foreign Policies: The Relationship With Europe
32 This continued the system of bilateral agreements and ﬁnancial protocols (the third of which was about to expire), but brought, ﬁrst, a signiﬁcant increase in the funds allocated to over ﬁve billion ECU over its ﬁrst ﬁve-year period (1992–96); and second, for the ﬁrst time speciﬁcally allocated funds for regional projects, thus aiming at fostering regional integration within parts of the MENA region (‘horizontal funding’). Other signiﬁcant features were a greater emphasis on environmental issues, improved market access for agricultural produce from the southern Mediterranean countries, and the establishment of a fund for compensation of the painful effects of economic adjustment programs in the region.
With the GCC’s sudden acceleration in the direction of just such a customs union (it was formally declared in January 2003 although practical implementation progressed more slowly) and an August 2003 EU-Saudi agreement regarding the Kingdom’s accession to the WTO (Saudi WTO negotiations with some other countries remained to be completed), the conclusion of an EU-GCC free trade agreement now seems a real possibility. 47 This has been partly addressed by attempts to expand cooperation in other areas – including the 1995 decision to include instruments of ‘decentralized cooperation’ (eventually encompassing such cooperation in business, media and university/higher education – none of which had advanced very far by 2004).
Yemen’s relationship with the GCC as a whole and its attempts to gain a closer association with the grouping is similarly predicated on Yemeni economic needs, but suffers from lingering resentment over Yemen’s position during the Gulf war, and, more fundamentally, from the country’s very poverty, the state’s incomplete political control and its size as a potential threat. In turn, the ﬁve small GCC states’ foreign relations are shaped to a signiﬁcant extent by their proximity to their vastly larger and more powerful Saudi neighbor – bringing a mix of opportunities and constraints (the latter in turn giving rise to strategies to overcome them, by looking beyond the Gulf: Qatar is perhaps the prime example).