By Nirmala S. Salgado
In accordance with huge learn in Sri Lanka and interviews with Theravada and Tibetan nuns from around the globe, Salgado's groundbreaking examine urges a rethinking of girl renunciation. How are scholarly money owed complicit in reinscribing imperialist tales concerning the subjectivity of Buddhist girls? How do key Buddhist "concepts" corresponding to dukkha, samsara, and sila ground woman renunciant perform? Salgado's provocative research questions the secular suggestion of the better ordination of nuns as a political stream for freedom opposed to patriarchal norms. Arguing that the lives of nuns defy translation right into a politics of world sisterhood equivalent earlier than legislation, she demands more-nuanced readings of nuns' daily renunciant practices.
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Sample text
Seneviratne that suggests that, according to some, the Mahavamsa promotes Sri Lanka as the bastion of a pure and authentic form of Buddhism associated exclusively with the Sinhalese (Bartholomeusz 14). Second, there is a discourse about the “ancient bhikkhunīs” (to use Bartholomeusz’s terminology) that falls under the rubric of the Mahavamsa view of history and includes the bhikkhunis of the Pali Vinaya texts. e. story of the Indian bhikkhuni (previously a princess) Sanghamitta, who is recorded as having brought the upasampada to Sri Lanka and conferred it on the renunciant Anula (previously a queen) of Sri Lanka and her retinue of female renunciants.
Were textual notions of “the ancient bhikkhunī” the same as theirs? Or, like Canavarro, did they understand the meaning of bhikkhuni differently? What did it mean for the renunciants Bartholomeusz interviewed in the late 1980s “to walk in the footsteps of the ancient bhikkhunī” (9)? ” Hence, Bartholomeusz describes one nun who saw “continuity between her vocation and that of the ancient bhikkhunī . . [yet] argued forcefully . . that lay nuns have no right to assume the privileges of the members of the defunct order of nuns” (158).
In other words, bhikkhunis and nuns should not be perceived as mere denizens within or without monastic structures but rather as practitioners whose practices play out in the relations that emerge from such structures. The definitions of who those women are and what they do cannot be taken as self-evident. Bartholomeusz, by inscribing master narratives on perceptions of female renunciants, holds the renunciants and their everyday practices hostage to discourses not of their making. ” There she discusses the ordination of sil matas in the United States and gives a separate account of sil matas who claim bhikkhuni status.