By Antonio Negri, Michael Ryan, Félix Guattari
Psst... hiya you young ones. Wanna construct communism?
The venture: to rescue 'communism' from its personal disrepute. as soon as invoked because the liberation of labor via mankind's collective construction, communism has as a substitute stifled humanity. We who see in communism the liberation of either collective and person chances needs to opposite that regimentation of proposal and hope which terminates the individual.
Bankrupt: the collectivist regimes that have did not detect socialist or communist beliefs. Capitalism too has performed quick and unfastened with grants of liberty, equality, growth and enlightenment.
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Additional resources for Communists Like Us (Semiotext)
These forces depend, of course, on the intensity of the needs revealed by the immediate struggles and thus on the struggle against the obstacle, but also on the positivity of the world which we wish to construct, on the values which we wish to promote. This is not a dialectic. In any event, not a dialectic like that glorious and painful one which presides over the sociological class struggle - a rhetoric arising more out of confusion than of science. In fact, the negative and the positive are anchored here in the materiality of possible options.
Capitalist command is presently developing in direct and antagonistic engagement with the free and proliferating singularities. Whatever rigid and repressive nets it throws after this wild faun, it will not succeed in reaching or catching either its mode of temporalization or its essential riches and goals. Given these conditions, the task of organizing new proletarian forms must be concerned with a plurality of relations within a multiplicity of singularities - a plurality focused on collective functions and objectives that escape bureaucratic control and overcoding, in the sense that the plurality develops towards optimizing the processes of involved singularities.
These, more appropriately, are the questions of the revolutionary movement. From all points of view, red terrorism was a disastrous interlude for the movement. But especially for the way it relaunched ideological and abstract centralist conceptions of organization. Its crazy search for central points of confrontation became redundant with an ossified leninism, which is disconnected from all historical materiality, reduced entirely to a statist interpretation, a sort of paranoid point of reference which it sought to impose on the recomposition of the movement.