By Jennifer Erickson
The United Nations's groundbreaking hands alternate Treaty (ATT), which went into impression in 2014, units legally binding criteria to manage international hands exports and displays the turning out to be issues towards the numerous function that small and significant traditional fingers play in perpetuating human rights violations, clash, and societal instability around the globe. many nations that when staunchly adversarial shared export controls and their perceived possibility to political and financial autonomy at the moment are starting to include a number of agreements, akin to the ATT and the european Code of behavior.
Jennifer L. Erickson explores the explanations best arms-exporting democracies have set aside prior sovereignty, protection, and fiscal concerns in desire of humanitarian fingers move controls, and she or he follows the early results of this about-face on export perform. She starts off with a quick historical past of failed fingers export keep watch over tasks after which tracks hands move developments over the years. Pinpointing the normative shifts within the Nineties that positioned humanitarian fingers keep an eye on at the desk, she unearths that those states dedicated to those guidelines out of shock for his or her foreign reputations. She additionally highlights how palms exchange scandals threaten family reputations and hence aid enhance compliance. utilizing statistical info and interviews carried out in France, Germany, Belgium, the uk, and the U.S., Erickson demanding situations latest IR theories of country habit whereas delivering perception into the function of acceptance as a social mechanism and the significance of presidency transparency and responsibility in producing compliance with new norms and rules.
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Additional resources for Dangerous trade : arms exports, human rights, and international reputation
States’ concern for reputation thus illuminates a search for recognition of their equal status as “good” members of the international community and an effort to increase their standing in that community. Within a group, social status and esteem can be valued for their own sake and sought independently of—or even in place of—material gain (Huberman, Loch, and Önçüler 2004). Alexander Wendt, for example, asserts that among a state’s interests is a “need to feel good about itself, for respect or status” (1999:236; see also Chayes and Chayes 1995; Finnemore and Sikkink 1998; Lebow 2008).
3 Reputation also supplements information about an opponent’s likely actions and relative power in order to “assess their strategies in crisis situations” (Crescenzi 2007:385; see also Axelrod 1984 and Crescenzi, Kathman, and Long 2007). In short, states worry about their reputation because they believe it affects their ability to make credible—and therefore effective—threats. Past behavior serves as information to make more accurate predictions about other states’ behavior in a military crisis, revealing their “type” to be strong or weak (HughJones and Zultan 2012; Walter 2009).
Second, reputation’s ability to influence state behavior is limited when states’ policies are observable to other actors but their practices are not. Even when policy is observable and subject to reputational judgment, practice may not be. Transparency measures play a significant role in generating compliance with international norms and treaties (Chayes and Chayes 1995:135; Norman and Trachtman 2005). Because reputation is assessed from observed policy and practice, where transparency is limited, scrutiny of practice must also be limited.