By Eike Geisel
Mit einem Vorwort von Klaus Bittermann
"Some of my top buddies are German", machte sich Eike Geisel gerne über das antisemitische Stereotyp lustig, demzufolge einige Juden zu den besten Freunden zählen. Eike Geisel warfare aber nicht nur ein unnachgiebiger Kritiker des deutsch-jüdischen Verbrüderungskitsches und der Entsorgung deutscher Vergangenheit, sondern machte als Historiker mit seinen Arbeiten u.a. über den jüdischen Kulturbund und das Berliner Scheunenviertel aufmerksam.
Dieser Band versammelt Geisels große essayistische Arbeiten wie über den Antisemitismus des "anderen Deutschland" und den Mythos vom Widerstand des 20. Juli.
"Die Deutschen haben sich nie als Bürger dieser Welt, sondern immer als Verdammte dieser Erde gesehen. Auch die Wiedervereinigung hat daran nichts geändert. Gab es vor dem Fall der Mauer 60 Millionen Opfer, so hat sich deren Zahl nun um 17 Millionen Insassen einer Einrichtung erhöht, die nicht nur der Kanzler schon vor 1989 als Konzentrationslager bezeichnet hatte."
"Scharfsinnige, sprachlich brillante Essays."
[Quelle: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]
"Eike Geisel hat in seinen Artikeln stets den moralischen Analphabetismus ins Visier genommen, den staatsoffiziellen ebenso wie den der linksalternativen Gutmenschen."
[Quelle: Allgemeine Jüdische Wochenzeitung]
On the Author
Eike Geisel (1945 – 6 August 1997) used to be a German journalist and essayist, who turned renowned in Germany and Israel for his severe essays on German and Jewish heritage and on Zionism.
His essays, reports and polemics ended in controversies. A characterization of the ebook an eye fixed for an eye fixed through John Sack in Frankfurter Rundschau (taz had now not accredited the thing) as „Antisemitische Rohkost“ (antisemitic uncooked nutrients) stopped the German publishing of the translated publication 1986. Geisel released between others in Haaretz, an interview with Tom Segev approximately Israel's founding fathers ended in controversy in Israel besides. heritage was once a debatable stance approximately David Ben-Gurion.
Eike Geisel has translated many of the paintings of Hannah Arendt, essays approximately Zionism, Palestine and Germany into German. including Henryk Broder he has had released essays and a documentary movie approximately Jüdischer Kulturbund (Jewish Cultural Union), a earlier than unknown bankruptcy of Jewish German cultural lifestyles in the course of the Nazi period. Geisel left unfinished at his demise a projected paintings on Jewish vengeance, consisting in a chain of assaults deliberate by way of a unit shaped via Abba Kovner to kill opposed to Nazis within the postwar period.
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Extra resources for Die Wiedergutwerdung der Deutschen: Essays und Polemiken
He first explained why this was necessarily the case in the Introduction to his Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: So where is the positive possibility of German emancipation? This is ouranswer. In the formation ofa dass with radical chains, a dass of civil society which is not a dass of civil society, a dass which is the dissolution of all dasses, a sphere which has a universal character because of its universal suffering and which lays claim to no particular right because the wrong it suffers is not a particular wrong but wrong in general; a sphere of society which can no longer lay daim to a historical tide, but merely to a human one, which does not stand in one-sided opposition to the consequences but in all-sided opposition to the premises ofthe German political system; and finally a sphere which cannot emancipate itself without emancipating itself from - and thereby emancipatingall the other spheres ofsociety, which is, in a word, the totallossof humanity and which can therefore redeem itself only through the total redemption of humanity.
BR, I, 95) This is not, however, apparent in Lenin's writings ofthe period. 2 While the tide ofLenin's artide Of23 November 19053 might appear to be supportive ofsuch an interpretation, his appraisal ofthe soviets was clearly quite different. R. onary government', which he saw as being both 'an organ of power of the people which temporarily assurnes the duties of a government that has collapsed' and 'the organ of insurrection, uniting all who have risen in revolt and exercising political leadership of the insurrection'.
336); another, as he (and Marx) recognised, was the progressive expansion ofthe productivity oflabour, 'thus making it possible to reduce the working day to seven, six, or even fewer hours'. (Lenin, 'Tasks', p. 414; cf. CAP, III, 820) The conception of 'control and supervision by all' to which Lenin had referred was enshrined in the Programme adopted at the Eighth Party Congress in March 1919, which advocated the involvement of every member of a soviet in some function of administration, with a continuous rotation of offices among those so engaged, and the progressive drawing-in ofwider layers ofthe masses to administrative work.